Archive for August, 2010


Aug

5

Texas Company Settles Antiboycott Charges for $30k


Posted by at 6:57 pm on August 5, 2010
Category: General

Boycotting the BoycottThe over-burdened Office of Antiboycott Compliance (“OAC”) at the Bureau of Industry and Security, which engaged in all of three enforcement actions in 2009, is gunning for a record this year having just released its tenth settlement agreement for 2010. The lucky victim is Dallas-based Multicam, Inc., which agreed to pay $28,800 to settle allegations of eight violations of BIS’s anti-boycott regulations.

As usual, the settlement documents are crafted so as to provide as little guidance as possible to other exporters as to the exact nature of the violations. This is probably because OAC is so overwhelmed with enforcement actions that it really doesn’t have the time to fuss with such administrative diversions as exporter education. Of course, this blog is only to happy to take up the slack from the OAC and to try to explain the nature of the violations that cost Multicam almost $30,000.

Four of the violations were for engaging in prohibited boycott activities by furnishing information about business relationships with boycotted countries in violation of 15 C.F.R. § 760.2(d). Based on a table in the settlement documents, it appears that Multicam provided to its purchasers in the U.A.E. four “agent vessel certificates” that the vessel carrying the goods was eligible to enter U.A.E ports or, in one instance, “Arab ports.”

The OAC has always considered language as to eligibility to enter ports of individual countries engaged in the Arab League boycott or alternatively to enter “Arab ports” as a coded affirmation of compliance with the boycott. An interpretation in Supplement 1 to part 760 makes clear the owner, master or charterer of the ship can supply that certificate pursuant to an exception in section 760.3(c) permitting compliance with the documentation requirements of the boycotting country. But no one else can make that certification. And here it looks like an agent for the vessel, and possibly Multicam itself, made the certification. Moreover, certification of eligibility to enter “Arab ports” rather than U.A.E. ports would fall outside the 760.3(c) exception.

The four remaining counts were for failing to report receipt of boycott requests in violation of section 760.5. According to the table attached to the charging letter, one of the documentary requirements of three letters of credit was a certificate from the “shipping company or its agents” that the vessel could enter U.A.E. ports. Section 760.5(a)(5)(viii) exempts from the reporting requirements a request for a certificate from the “owner, master or charterer” of the vessel. The “shipping company” may not be any of these three things and an agent is certainly not any of those three things. Accordingly these were reportable requests. The fourth letter of credit at issue required as documentation a certificate by the “carrier/master” or its agent that the ship could enter “Arabian ports.” Here the carrier may not be the owner of the ship. Additionally, the 760.5(a)(5)(viii) exception doesn’t apply to certifications relating to “Arabian ports” as opposed to specific countries or groups of countries. For reasons known only to OAC, “Arabian” is not a reference to a group of countries. Go figure.

For those wondering what the logic is behind the relatively low fines imposed by OAC in these cases, notwithstanding that the office has the power to impose fines of p to $250,000 per violation, it’s simple. OAC wants to keep the fines sufficiently low that the fine is less than what it would cost to litigate the fine. There is considerable question whether the antiboycott regulations are still in force after the failure of Congress to renew the Export Administration Act. The regulations could only be in force if they can be extended by the President pursuant to the provisions of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act. And it’s hard to see how the Arab League boycott is an “unusual and extraordinary threat … to the national security, foreign policy, or economy of the United States.” OAC clearly doesn’t want to have to argue this in court.

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Copyright © 2010 Clif Burns. All Rights Reserved.
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Aug

4

Lawsuit Challenges OFAC’s Efforts to Limit Right to Counsel


Posted by at 8:50 pm on August 4, 2010
Category: OFACSDN List

An Attorney Pleads His CaseJust last week, I reported on guidelines newly issued by the Office of Foreign Assets Control (“OFAC”) relating to the use of blocked assets to pay attorneys fees to challenge orders blocking those assets. And I was more than a little critical of the absurd limits that OFAC put on attorneys fees that could be paid from blocked assets as well as OFACs express justification of the policy on the grounds that lawyers make it harder for OFAC to do what it wants to do. Specifically, OFAC said — if you can believe it — this:

This policy is not intended to ensure complete compensation to counsel. Limitations on the amount of funds released to a Blocked Party are necessary to preserve the President’s authority and leverage in the conduct of foreign policy

And I predicted that this statement might come back to haunt OFAC if any lawyers were ever able to challenge the policy notwithstanding OFAC’s efforts to make that as difficult as possible.

Well, it would seem that this day may have come. An article in the New York Times reports that lawyers who are attempting to file a lawsuit on behalf of Anwar al-Awlaki have filed suit to challenge an OFAC requirement that the lawyers obtain an OFAC license prior to filing the lawsuit on behalf of Mr. al-Awlaki even if the lawyers are acting pro bono, i.e., without compensation. Anwar al-Awlaki was added to OFAC’s SDN list on July 10, making him one of the few Americans on that list. Among other things, al-Awlaki is alleged to have been the mastermind behind the failed Christmas Day bombing attack on a commercial jetliner headed for Detroit.

Under existing regulations, found in 31 C.F.R. § 594.506, some legal services can be provided to specially designated global terrorists without a license. But none of the services authorized under section 594.506 are involved in al-Awlaki’s case. The lawyers are seeking to file suit on his behalf to challenge an alleged administration order making al-Awlaki subject to extrajudicial execution.. And although the regulations permit lawyers to initiate legal proceedings “in defense of property interests subject to U.S. jurisdiction,” there is no provision permitting lawsuits to defend al-Awlaki from extrajudicial execution or loss of non-property rights.

The lawyers had requested a license from OFAC, which had not been granted, so the lawyers filed suit challenging the license requirement itself. The money quote from the complaint is this:

The same government that is seeking to kill Anwar al-Awlaki has prohibited attorneys from contesting the legality of the government’s decision to use lethal force against him

I am inclined to believe that al-Awlaki is probably a dangerous terrorist, a loathsome individual, and a threat to humankind. Still, everyone, no matter how loathsome, deserves legal counsel. It’s one of the bedrock principles that differentiates us from our enemies; and if we abandon those principles in any instance, then we are on the path to becoming no better than those against whom we fight.

Having finished my inspirational Atticus Finch speech in the previous paragraph, I should note that what’s involved in the al-Awlaki matter is somewhat different from the issues raised by the OFAC guidelines on using blocked funds to pay for legal representation. Here the lawyers, who are provided by the ACLU and the Center for Constitutional Rights, are not seeking any compensation, much less compensation from any of al-Awlaki’s blocked funds (assuming that any even exist). A judicial determination that OFAC cannot block right to counsel in this situation will not necessarily mean that there are constitutional or other legal problems with the agency setting limits on hourly fees — even the paltry fees permitted under the current blocked asset guidelines. Still, OFAC’s unabashed admission in the blocked fund guidelines that lawyers diminish the President’s “leverage” in the conduct of foreign affairs is not likely to help the governments case in defending any power by OFAC to deny American citizens the right to counsel.

OFAC has, it seems, two options here. It could issue the licenses to moot the ACLU challenge to the OFAC rules at issue and allow the Anwar al-Awlaki suit to proceed. Or it could double down and argue that the suit challenging OFAC’s rules is, in effect, a suit on behalf of al-Awlaki in violation of OFAC’s rules and start a penalty proceeding against the lawyer-plaintiffs. Speculation on what OFAC might do here is welcome in the comments section.

UPDATE: Doug Jacobson notes in the comments section that CCR and ACLU issued a press release tonight indicating that they had received a license from OFAC but would continue to press their suit that the license requirement is unconstitutional.

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Copyright © 2010 Clif Burns. All Rights Reserved.
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Aug

2

What One Hand Giveth, the Other Taketh Away


Posted by at 9:51 pm on August 2, 2010
Category: BISExport Reform

Kevin Wolf
ABOVE: Kevin Wolf

Today’s edition of the Washington Tariff & Trade Letter has an article (paid subscription required) reporting on the July 27 meeting of the Sensors and Instrumentation Technical Advisory Committee of the Bureau of Industry and Security (“BIS”). At that meeting, Assistant Secretary of BIS, Kevin Wolf had this to say to the committee members:

To the extent that something today, tomorrow or after the reforms no longer requires authorization for export when it did previously, that will come with a price associated with it

That price, according to Wolf, could be “reexport controls or notification.” Obviously BIS has legitimate concerns about diversion of a product from a country on its “nice” list to a country on the agency’s “naughty” list.

However, the ability of the agency to exercise control over U.S.-origin items that can be legally exported without a license is open to some question. Certainly a foreign court would raise those jurisdictional questions in any effort to extradite a defendant accused of an unlicensed re-export that was in full compliance with local laws. And whether a U.S. court would be inclined to exercise criminal jurisdiction over a foreign defendant in such a case is also an open question. The whole notion that the United States has what amounts to universal jurisdiction over U.S. origin products and the people who touch them, wherever located, is built on a shaky foundation that more or less crumbles when the U.S. permits unlicensed exports of those products.

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Copyright © 2010 Clif Burns. All Rights Reserved.
(No republication, syndication or use permitted without my consent.)